Plus un mensonge est gros ...
Nathalie Szuchendler, auteur pour Prochoix, prétends que je ne suis pas juive ... : c'est gentil de dire cela Nathalie, comme cela je ne me prendrai pas tous les antisémites dans la tronche. Par les temps qui arrivent, il vaudrait mieux, mais ce ne sont plus des certificats de baptêmes qui nous protégeraient, tout au contraire ...
Je dis aux juifs qu'un nouveau flot d'antisémitisme est en marche, que Mohamed Merah a appris non pas "des musulmans" mais du coran et des hadiths, qu'il cite en expliquant ses crimes : lire ici http://elisseievna.blogspot.fr/2012/09/merah-agit-conformement-la-sunna.html
Ceux et celles qui tentent de disqualifier mon avertissement en faisant croire à des juifs que je ne le suis pas, ne peuvent pas prétendre défendre les juifs, ils les mettent un peu plus en péril en leur faisant croire qu'ils doivent abaisser leur vigilance, en tentant de les empêcher de comprendre la source idéologique de l'antisémitisme violent qui existe aujourd'hui.
Parmi les chrétiens, il se produit la même chose, des lâches, des convertis à l'islam, ou ... des antisémites, tentent de faire croire que le mépris et la violence envers les chrétiens qui émanent du coran, seraient une invention des juifs ou une lubie d'"extrémistes" chrétiens : ceux qui disent cela, fermant les yeux devant le génocide anti-chrétiens qui se produit dans les pays islamisés, ont et auront une part de responsabilité dans ces massacres et violences.
Nathalie Szuchendler m'accuse en soulignant que j'écris pour Riposte laique qu'elle accuse d'être d'extreme droite "d'utiliser les uns pour taper sur les autres". Exactement de la même façon, les antisémites de droite ou de gauche, athés ou chrétiens accusent les juifs de vouloir dresser "uns contre les autres", les chrétiens contre les musulmans au bénéfice des juifs, ou les "prolétaires" musulmans ou pas entre eux, encore au bénéfice des juifs accusés de complot financiers et patati et patata.
Moi, par contre, en avertissant les juifs et les chrétiens contre ce texte de violence et de haine qu'est le coran, je les alerte utilement, et mon avertissement est tout autant utile aux musulmans de bonne volonté qui ne veulent pas être antisémites ou anti-chrétiens : ce que je dis peut leur faire prendre conscience du contenu violent de ces textes.
French Jews/ No Future
The Toulouse
massacre did not bring French anti-Semitism to a halt. It actually increased.
“Any time young people approach me in order to get
married, I ask them various questions about their future. Eighty percent of
them say they do not envision any future in France.” This is what one rabbi in
Paris told me last week. I heard similar statements from other French rabbis
and lay Jewish leaders: “We have a feeling the words are on the wall now,” one
leader in the Lyons area confided to me. “It is not just our situation in this
country deteriorating; it is also that the process is much quicker than
expected.”
Even the chief rabbi of France, Gilles Bernheim, may
be sharing that view now. A philosopher (holding a prestigious French agrégation degree
in philosophy), a graduate of the French Rabbinical School in Paris, and a
former student at some of the most orthodox yeshivoth (Talmudic
academies) in Jerusalem, Bernheim was until recently very eager to reconcile
traditional Judaism with Europe’s “open society.” He has just
devoted a book to France as a nation and how Jews can contribute to France’s public
debates (N’oublions Pas De Penser La France), and in 2008,
the year he was elected chief rabbi, he coauthored a book on Judeo-Christian
dialogue (Le Rabbin et le Cardinal) with Cardinal
Philippe Barbarin.
Despite all that, Bernheim suddenly warned Jewish
leaders a few weeks ago about a growing “rejection” of Jews and Judaism in
France, something he linked to the global passing of
“Judeo-Christian values” in French society as a whole.
The immediate reason for Jewish pessimism in France
and for Bernheim’s change of heart may be the Toulouse massacrelast March: the
murder in cold blood of three Jewish children and a Jewish teacher by Mohamed
Merah, a Muslim terrorist, on their school’s premises. This crime, instead of
instilling more compassion and understanding towards the Jewish community, has
actually generated more anti-Jewish violence and hate talk, as if Merah was not
seen as a vile thug but rather as a model by parts of the population.
There were no less than six cases of aggravated
assault on Jewish youths or rabbis in France from March 26 to July 5, including
one case in Toulouse again. According to the Representative Council of French
Jewish Organizations (CRIF), anti-Semitic incidents of all sorts have increased
by 53% compared to the same period last year.
President François Hollande and Minister of the the
Interior Manuel Valls must be credited for taking the present anti-Semitic
crisis seriously, a noted departure from the ambivalent attitude of the last
socialist administration of Prime Minister Lionel Jospin ten years ago. On July
22 — on the seventieth anniversary of the “grande raffle” (“great
round-up”) of Jews by the Vichy government police in 1942 — Hollande drew a
parallel between the Toulouse massacre and the deportation and mass murder of
Jewish children during the Holocaust. As for Valls, he not only repeatedly
acknowledged that “there was an upsurge of anti-Semitism in France,” but
on July 8 went so far as to stigmatize the “most stupid, most dangerous new
anti-Semitism” brooding among “young and not-so-young people” in the
“neighborhoods” (a code word for Muslim enclaves). Quite a bold statement,
since the Socialist party and the Left at large primarily derive their present
electoral edge in France from the Muslim vote. Valls and his staff may also
have inspired several no-nonsense reports on anti-Semitism that were recently published in the
liberal, pro-socialist press.
The connection between Muslim immigration — or
Muslim-influenced Third World immigration — and the rise of a new anti-Semitism
is a fact all over Europe. Muslims come from countries (or are culturally
attuned to countries) where unreconstructed, Nazi-style Jew-bashing dominates.
They are impervious to the ethical debate about the Holocaust and the rejection
of anti-Jewish stereotypes that were gradually incorporated into the European
political discourse and consciousness in the second half of the 20th century
(to the point that lessons on the Holocaust are frequently dropped from the
curriculum at schools with a plurality or a majority of Muslim pupils), and are
more likely than non-Muslims to engage in assaults, attacks, or harassment
practices directed at Jews. Moreover, Muslim anti-Semitism reactivates in many
places a dormant, but by no means extinct, non-Muslim European anti-Semitism.
Once Muslims are unopposed, or at least unprosecuted, when they challenge the
historical veracity of the Holocaust or when they refer to the The Protocols
of the Elders of Zion as an authentic document, a growing number of
non-Muslims feel free to do the same.
Muslim immigration is nurturing European anti-Semitism
in more surprising ways as well. One unintended and ironic consequence of
European Islam’s demographic growth is that Jews are frequently amalgamated
with Muslims. Many people use a widespread concern about a growing influence of
Islam in Europe as a way to hurt Jews as well, or to hit them first.
Clearly, there are outward similarities between
Judaism and Islam. Both religions originated in the Near East, and are — as of
2012 — related to Near or Middle East countries. Both use Semitic languages.
Both insist on rituals, particularly in terms of gender roles, family life, or
food, that do not fit with the current mainstream European way of life.
However, differences between Judaism and Islam may
outweigh similarities. As far as Near Eastern or Middle Eastern countries are
concerned, Muslims turn to Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, the strongholds of
anti-Western hatred, while Jews turn to Israel, the super-Western “start-up
nation.” In terms of ritual, kosher slaughtering — a quasi-surgical operation —
is as remote from halal slaughtering as from secular slaughtering. Jewish
circumcision is performed on newborn babies and is much closer to secular
prophylactic circumcision (as it is largely practiced in the United States)
than to Islamic circumcision, which is performed on boys in their preteens or
early teens. And when it comes to relations between politics and religion,
there is simply a chasm between the two religions. Judaism (including Orthodox
Judaism) is not interested in mass conversion; does not seek to wrest Europe or
any historically Christian part of the world from Christianity; recognizes the
supremacy of state law over religious law in non-ritual matters; and sees
Western democracy — a polity based on the rule of law — as the most legitimate
political system.
But Europeans are not culturally equipped to
understand such nuances or to keep them in mind (far less than the Americans,
who are more religious-minded, more conversant in Biblical matters, and more
familiar with the Jewish way of life). Jules Renard, an early 20th century
French writer, wrote about his cat: “I keep telling him to hunt mice and let
the canaries alone. Very subtle guidelines, I must admit. Even intelligent cats
can get wrong on this issue.” And decide that eating canaries is easier and
more satisfying than hunting mice. Regarding Judaism and Islam, most Europeans
are like Renard’s cat. And what usually originates as a reaction against
difficulties linked to radical brands of Islam quickly evolves into a primarily
anti-Jewish business.
Earlier this year in France, during the last months of
the conservative Sarkozy administration, a debate about the rapidly growing
halal meat industry led to attacks against the kosher meat industry as well,
complete with uncomely remarks about “old-fashioned rituals” by then-Prime
Minister François Fillon. While Fillon subsequently “clarified” his views, the
Sarkozy administration upheld its support for some kind of “tagging” of
“ritually slaughtered meat,” a European Union-promoted practice that would
prompt commercial boycott of such food and thus make it financially
unaffordable for most prospective buyers. Since kosher meat regulations are
much stricter than halal meat regulations, religious Jews would be more hurt at
the end of the day than religious Muslims. The reason why French conservatives
were so fond of tagging is that a 2009 poll shows a 72% rejection of “ritual
slaughtering” writ large. And Marine Le Pen, the far-right presidential
candidate, dwelled on that issue for a while.
In Germany, a rare case of malpractice by a German
Muslim doctor in a Muslim circumcision led a court in Cologne to ban
circumcision on children all over Germany on June 19, on the quite extravagant
grounds that only legal adults may decide on issues irreversibly affecting
their body, except for purely medical reasons. Which is tantamount, in the
considered issue, to denying parents the right to pass their religion to their
children.
Conservative Chancellor Angela Merkel immediately
filled a bill to make religious circumcision legal in Germany, and it was
passed on July 19 by the Bundestag (somehow, German conservatives are nowadays
more genuinely conservative than, say, their French counterparts). But
according to a YouGov poll for the DPA news agency released at about the same
moment, 45% of Germans support the ban, while only 42% oppose it.
In an even more ominous instance, Judaism has been
singled out in a protracted intellectual debate in France since early June, as
the fountainhead, past and present, of totalitarianism and political violence
and thus as a more dangerous religion than radical Islam.
The charge was made in Le Point, an
important right-of-center newsmagazine, by Michel Onfray, a commercially
successful dabbling philosopher and a long-time supporter of the radical Left, who himself
reviewed and approvingly quoted Who Is God? (Qui est
Dieu), an essay by
another controversial author, the former diplomat Jean Soler.
In the 1970s Soler, who holds an agrégation degree
in Greek and Latin classical studies but was never academically trained in
anthropology, Semitics, or Near Eastern history, applied a structuralist
approach to the study of Jewish rituals and won some polite applause from
French, Israeli, and American scholars. Later on, when structuralism fell out
of fashion, he sort of remixed his early work with neo-Marcionite currents in
19th century and early 20th century German and French Biblical criticism which
claimed there was no spirituality at all, and indeed no real monotheism, in the
Old Testament, a narrowly “tribalist” book. Or that everything
spiritual in the Old Testament was a transplant from other cultures, either
Pharaonic Egypt or Indo-European Iran.
Very few people in France realize what Soler’s later
writing is really about, and that his approach or sources do not fit present
academic standards. Even fewer people are aware that the neo-Marcionite
hypothesis to which Soler has switched and which Onfray supports exerted a
major influence on Nazi anti-Semitism (including the so-called “German
Christian” movement) and remained after 1945 a major polemical tool in neo-Nazi
or post-Nazi circles. So much so that the media had no qualms engaging for
weeks in multifaceted debates and discussions about the Soler/Onfray
contentions and thus, for all practical matters, promoted them.
The second half of the 20th century was a golden age
for French Jews, both in terms of numbers (from 250,000 souls in 1945 to
700,000 in 1970 due to population transfers and natural growth) and in terms of
religious and cultural revival. There was only one shadow: the French
government’s anti-Israel switch engineered by Charles de Gaulle in 1966, in
part as a consequence of a more global anti-American switch. The 21st century
may however be a much darker age. After a first wave of anti-Jewish violence in
the early 2000s, some Jews left for Israel or North America. Emigration never
really ceased since then, and may soon reach much more important proportions.
Michel Gurfinkiel is the Founder and President of the
Jean-Jacques Rousseau Institute, a conservative think-thank in France, and a
Shillman/Ginsburg Fellow at Middle East Forum.
© Michel Gurfinkiel & PJMedia, 2012
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